Rich families built castles in the countryside and tower-houses in town. Naval Warfare in the Viking Age, c. Accordingly Scandinavian armies operating abroad were normally under royal or aristocratic command and Vikings should not be thought of as an undisciplined rabble. Carolingian success against Islamic invaders was mirrored by Ottonian success against Magyar horsemen, at Riade 933 and on the Lechfeld, south of Augsburg 955. On the other hand, a year or so later, having bamcaded themselves in a large farmstead at Avaux in the Low Countries, predatory Vikings decided to decamp by moonlight, but were subsequently defeated on their way back to their ships. The first section explores the experience of war chronologically, with essays on the Viking age, on the wars and expansion of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, on the Crusades, and on the great Hundred Years War between England and France.
Just as in the crusader states the Military Orders see further, Chapter j, p. We are all of us indebted to the successive editors at the Oxford University Press who watched over our work, Tony Morris, Anne Gelling, Anna Iliingworth, and Dorothy McLean. Recently subjugated or tributary peoples on the Frankish periphery-Frisians, Saxons, Carinthians, Bavarians-acted as auxiliaries in Frankish armies, much as their counterparts in imperial Roman armies had done, and with the same general characteristics: fast moving, lightly armed irregular troops. In the 79os, the major potential rival to Frankish hegemony in Continental Europe, the Balkan empire of the Avars, was crushed in a few brief campaigns, and the wealth accumulated by the Avars in more than two centuries of plunderingraids and tribute-taking was carted off to Francia, where Charlemagne distributed it to churches and to his military following. In east Francia, however, events took a rather different turn. It is hard to see how this could have been a general obligation unless there was some kind of selection mechanism; had there not been, small freeholders would have been bankrupted by less than a generation of annual campaigning. Carolingian and Ottonian Warfare ; 3.
By the year 1000 such 'states', and the kind of warfare which had gone with them, were becoming archaic, at least in what had been the Frankish empire: the dominion of English rulers over their Celtic peripheries, and indeed the more fragile and short-lived empires of Boleslas Chrobry of Poland, and of Scandinavian war-kings like Cnut and Olaf, showed that as late as the eleventh century such things were still possible on the European periphery. The Patterns of War through the Eighteenth Century. Weapons and Warfare in Renaissance Europe: Gunpowder, Technology, and Tactics. Military treatises, like those which have survived in some numbers from ninth- and tenth-century Byzantium, are absent from the West in this period. . The part of the army which Charles had led to the place called Fagit in the common tongue fled; the part wh~chhad thrown itself against Adelhard and the others and to which I gave not a little assistance with God's help, also fought hard; each side seemed at times to have the upper hand, but in the end all on Lothar's side fled. In the eleventh and twelfth centuries the German kings found it hard to exercise the authority in Italy which their Ottonian predecessors had enjoyed.
Armies of the Middles Ages, vol. Then the regent of the kingdom and his men were able to garrison their strong points, occupy the main sources of water in the areas in which the Muslims were operating and shadow their forces. This is why one of the standard Latin words for a knight was loricatus-the man wearing a metal hauberk. From a Frankish source we have the fascinating detail that shield-sellers and other traders following in the path of the imperial army in 876 were obstructing a narrow escape route. But there were other campaigns: campaigns to re-establish authority over the formerly dependent peoples in Alamannia and Bavaria; a major war of conquest taking Frankish control down through Burgundy and the RhBne valley to the Mediterranean coast; successful battles against Islamic invading forces in 73213 and in 737 which ended the possibility of Islamic expansion beyond the F'yrenees.
With the return of Muslim political fragmentation, Christian rulers surgedforward on all fronts. A list drawn up in the mid-1180s suggests that the king of Jerusalem could call on the services of no more than about 675 feudatories, which in the context of the need to defend fortresses and conduct campaigns virtually every year suggests that there was a severe shortage. Arms and Armor of the Medieval Knight: An Illustrated History of Weaponry in the Middle Ages. But rhe great bulk of the written record comes from the Vikings' opponents, who were naturally hostile and hardly objective. Visite: I have only gotten into the first 3 chapters, but so far it has been a good read. A Knight and His Horse. Stone walls could sometimes be undermined orbreached.
In the end all went down before the Turk, whom the Westerners succeeded ultimately in halting, alittle within the line of the Danube. Fighting in the medieval period, in the course of regional defence against incursions of non-Christian peoples with no background or connection with the former Roman world, and in the course of wars of expansion into territories occupied by other peoples, both Christian andnon-Christian, and their absorption, played a vital role in the preservation for the future West of its cultural inheritance from antiquity. Neglected Heroes: Leadership and War in the Early Medieval Period. It was the usual pattern. Danes made elaborate preparations for a siege of London in 1016, digging a large ditch parallel to the southern bank of the Thames and dragging their ships upstream of the bridge. Second, it is difficult to see how 'ordinary freemen' could have achieved the degree of professional fighting ability which would have made it useful for rulers to call on their services on a large scale: even in the eighth century, warfare was a matter of quality siege specialists and wellarmed warriors more than of quantity. It is divided into two parts.
Bruno confessed he was at a loss to know whether the Salian king was followingabattle-seekingstrategy4espitehaving lost his last two battles--or whether he was now waiting for reinforcements from Meissen and Bohemia before marchiigin overwhelming force via Merseburg and Magdeburg to ravage the whole of Saxony. The territorial gains made by the Franks in what was to become Catalonia were made, after Louis the Pious's campaigns in 801-2 and 810,by local forces rather than by the Frankish kings themselves. But the number of knights that could be retained permanently as fief-holders was limited. Warfare in the Latin East, 1192—1291. New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1954—1957.
At the other end of the scale stand endless petty confrontations, often amounting to no more than family feuds between aggressive local lords or castellans, but potentially not much less devastating than great wars for the welfare of local people. His west Frankish contcmpvraries were rarely able to summon up enough force to give cr~nvictionto the demands they made of people whom they thought subject to thcir authority, hence the narrative of political indecision and confusion offered by Flodoard. Raiding parties would have been horse-mounted for the most part, like that conducted in Brega in the year 1000 by the Dublin Norsemen and their Leinster allies in advance of the main army of their new overlord, Brian Bbrama; in the event most of them were killed by Mael SechnaiU'smen. The literature of antiquity served as a source of phrases and vocabulary rather than ideas for ninth- and tenth-century writers: Livy's account of early Roman history was plundered at will by the authors of the Royal Frankish AnnaLr for their descriptions of campaigns. In these conditions, it was positively in a ruler's interest to cultivate rather than to castigate their traditional outlook, to present himself as the companion and generous patron of his martial, aristocratic subjects, to heed their sensibilities and maintain their privileges.
Note the elaborately fortified enhance to the right of the plan. Animal sacrifices to him were probably made each spring for success on military campaigns. There were also, of course, the crusades. These warriors were lightly armed mounted archers whose speed and ability to manoeuvre in formation while firing a rapid barrage of arrows from the saddle had from the time of the First Crusade posed major problems for the heavier Western knights whose standard technique was the massed charge with the couched lance. Most of our information about tenth-century warfare comes from incidental details in narrative accounts. Moreover, the ninth century saw the beginnings of what would later become a full-fledged clericaljustification of warfare: the help of God and the saints was invoked against the pagan enemies of Christian rulers and their followers in the form of masses and benedictions. Thus, though we know that fortified bridges were very important in checking Viking incursions into west Francia in the 860s and 87os, there is little to show on the ground for these.
The town on the northern bank was then surrounded by another ditch, with the result that no one could get in or out. There would appear to have been two main reasons for conducting warfare: to acquire wealth and to translate claimed authority into real power. Apart from a river-battlefor ChhteauGaillard, there were no battles when Philip Augustus drove KingJohn out of Anjou, Normandy, and much of Poitou in 1203-4. By the middle decades of the twelfth century both the Templars and the Hospitallers were powerful ecclesiastical corporations whose military might had reached significant propor- tions. At Ashdown the Danes formed themselves into two divisions, one led by two kings and the other by all the jarls.